Mar 2, 2011

Bhopal To Bhojpal

"Charaiveti Charaiveti” - Gautam Buddha
(go on, go on, and never stop; become an eternal journey)

The Times of India reported on 18th December 2006 that Jabalpur is being renamed Jabalipuram, and that the MP government is "mulling renaming Bhopal to Bhojpal and Indore to Indur."

Going according to the speed expected of the Government of India a good 4 years hence, the government found an opportunity on 28th February 2011, when the announcement came at an event to mark 1,000 years of the Parmar king who was famous for his sense of justice, scholarship and patronage for education, science, literature and the arts.
Flanking Chauhan was BJP national president Nitin Gadkari and vice-president Venkaiah Naidu. Actor Kabir Bedi anchored the programme while singer Sukhvinder Singh and percussionist Sivamani tuned the decked-out city to the millennium moment.

Bhopal had a good time, with the laser shows, Sukhvinder's singing and Shiva Mani's drums, cleaning up of major squares and roads and of course - traffic jams. The Upper lake - Bada talab - was to be called the Bhojtal from now on.

But not everyone has taken to the name change.In a letter to Union home minister P. Chidambaram, the Opposition Congress said a change of name would affect the composite culture Bhopal has been known for.Congress spokespersons Atul Sharma and Arif Masood both questioned the move. “For over 200 years, Bhopal has been a symbol of Ganga-Jamuni (mixed) culture. This is an attempt to disturb communal harmony,” Masood, a member of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, said.

“The town,” he added, “was founded by Afghan chieftain Dost Mohammad Khan in the 18th century. Besides, what’s the use of changing names? People want fresh drinking water, electricity and good roads.” Chief minister Chauhan brushed aside such criticism. “Where is the communal agenda in this? If the name of Bangalore could be changed to Bengaluru, Bombay to Mumbai and Calcutta to Kolkata,” he said, “why can we not change Bhopal to Bhojpal?”

Fellow party man and Bhopal legislator Vishwas Sarang, who first initiated the move to rename the city, said: “The legendary Raja Bhoj, therefore, must get his due with the state capital renamed Bhojpal.” But even if the city does get a new name, it won’t be in a hurry.The process of renaming cities is lengthy and complex. After a state writes to the Centre, the Union home ministry makes an assessment, taking into account historical facts, feelings of elected representatives, non-government organisations, and the implications on communal and social amity.

If the ministry approves of the proposal, it then writes to, among others, the railways, the postal department and the Geological Survey of India for inclusion of the new name on maps and other survey records.

Earlier, Chauhan unveiled a huge statue of Raja Bhoj in one corner of the city’s famous Badatalab lake. The statue was installed on a structure that once formed a part of the outer wall of the old city of Bhopal.

The irony is this fort and the outer wall was built by Dost Mohammad Khan, on which the staue of Raja Bhoj now stands.

"Charaiveti Charaiveti” - Gautam Buddha
(go on, go on, and never stop; become an eternal journey)

Earlier post

Dec 19, 2010

Ajab Gazab Ki Kahani


The Ogilvy Mumbai team that created this campaign includes:

Creative Team:
Executive Chairman & Creative Director (South Asia): Piyush Pandey
National Creative Director: Abhijit Avasthi
Creative Director: Pradyumna Chauhan (Copy)
Senior Creative Director: Mahesh Gharat (Art)

Client Servicing:
Vice President: Ajay Menon
Senior Account Executive: Rohit Sharma
Production House:
Foot Candles Film Pvt. Ltd
Director: Vinil Mathew

Ogilvy Mumbai created a new advertisement campaign for MP Tourism with shadow artistes from Bengal bringing Madhya Pradesh Tourism alive through their campaign “MP ajab hai, Sabse gazab hai”.

This campaign, the third in a series of hugely popular and successful campaigns done in the past, is based on the ancient art of shadowgraphy. This art form woven around an earthy and rustic musical jingle captures some of the unique and surprising facts about Madhya Pradesh. 

Like in the past, the current television commercial stays true to the fact that we Indians love our song and dance. Therefore composing a song was an obvious choice, albeit much more challenging this time. Because unlike previous efforts which showcased a multitude of offerings, this time the focus is on fewer destinations - but each one of them having amazing stories built around them. So for instance the song lines were crafted around amazing facts like the hanging of ten elephants from a hall roof to test its strength, communicate that there is a castle which with water bodies on either sides looks like a ship more than a castle and many more. Definitely these are awe-inspiring facts but equally daunting task was to turn them into short and simple song lines. The television jingle has been sung by acclaimed film and television actor, Mr.Raghuvir Yadav, who is a native of Madhya Pradesh himself.

Shadowgraphy or shadow theatre is a unique performing art which today is on the verge of going obsolete. India has a long and rich tradition of Shadow theatre. According to many scholars, this art originated in India. Reference to shadow theatre is found in the Tamil classic Shilappadikaaram. Many Western Indologists such as Pischel, Luders and Winternitz are of the opinion that the well known Sanskrit drama Mahaanaataka was originally written as a play for the shadow theatre. This art form is, thus, at least one thousand years old. It apparently went to Southeast Asia, Turkey and other places from India.

However, the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh Mr. Shivraj Singh Chauhan said during  the launching of the promotion campaign, that this campaign is beyond the comprehension of the common people. He agreed that artistically the campaign is accomplished, but added that the campaign is unable to focus on the nuances of M.P. Tourism. The CM appreciated the previous two campaigns and suggested that some changes should be made in this campaign. 

Volkswagen has already used similar theme in their advertisement. No complaints about comprehension was heard about this though


Dec 18, 2010

Bollywood – The Reconnect

Bollywood is rediscovering this city of royals, lakes and monuments that offers a scenic and culturally rich backdrop for shooting and exudes hospitality and warmth for film crews. It also pulls filmmakers for the Bhopal gas tragedy that continues to haunt India and the world.
 Bhopale Anusha Rizvi's hugely acclaimed satirical comedy " Peepli Live", which is also India's Oscar nomination, has a Bhopal connection as it was shot in Badwai on the outskirts of the city.
Well-known filmmaker Sooraj Barjatya flew down here to film his family drama "Ek Vivaah... Aisa Bhi" and Prakash Jha's successful multi-starrer political thriller "Raajneeti" too has the city as the backdrop.
"It's the city's beauty and warmth," said Jha who will shoot his movie "Aarakshan" with Amitabh Bachchan and Saif Ali Khan here again.
"Besides the story of films suiting the locations of Bhopal, I find the people of Bhopal very warm. The administration is both helpful and supportive and that helps me do my work very comfortably," Jha told us.
Bada Talab, Jahanuma Palace, Gauhar Mahal and Kerwa Dam are some of the favourite locations.
Bhopal is well-connected with Mumbai - barely a two-hour flight away - and hotels here are good enough to cater to the needs of the stars.
Manoj Srivastava, commissioner of Bhopal, said: "Its virgin beauty, the warmth of people, disciplined crowds and a supportive administration are actually attracting the Bollywood filmmakers to Bhopal."
Reminiscing an incident, Srivastava said when a well-known actress came here once, she turned up her nose.
"When she landed in Bhopal, she was heard complaining, 'Oh, what a place the director has brought us to.' But after going around the city and the lakes she was mesmerized by the beauty and was forced to say - 'Oh, it's such a beautiful place!"
It's not Bollywood alone that has fallen in love with the city.
This year Ravi Kumar shot "Bhopal: A Prayer for Rain" that chronicles the events around the Dec 2-3, 1984, gas tragedy - the world's worst industrial disaster - in which tonnes of toxic gas leaked from Union Carbide's pesticide plant, killing and maiming thousands.
He shot the yet-to-be released film with a mixed cast that boasts of big Hollywood names like Martin Sheen, Mischa Barton and Kal Penn as well as Indian actors Rajpal Yadav and Tannishtha Chatterjee.
Last month Britain based actor-singer Sofia Hayat joined the cast of "Diary of a Butterfly" in Bhopal. The film is being directed by Vinod Mukhi and produced under the banner of Bhaggyashri Productions in association with Prince Movies.
British filmmaker Michael Anderson's cinematic adaptation of Indra Sinha's famous novel "Animal's People" will have Bhopal as the backdrop.
Highlighting the city's high point, social scientist Shiv Visvanathan said: "Bhopal is a symbol of tradition and modernity together. It has an old and a new city. It has erstwhile royals and is the centre of the country. Now the directors are sensing it and flocking to it."
There are reports that the city will have a film city soon.
"We have a plan to have our own film city. We are in the final stage to identify the land," Culture Minister Laxmikant Sharma told us.
Bhopal also has an old connection with Bollywood celebrities like Jaya Bachchan, Jagdeep and Raza Murad who hail from the city. Veteran writer Javed Akhtar too spent his formative years in the city.
B.R. Chopra's 1957 superhit "Naya Daur" starring Dilip Kumar and Vyjayanthimala was shot outside the city and Dilip Kumar used to practise tonga riding here for his role in the social drama.
It was here that internationally renowned Hollywood-based Indian filmmaker Ismail Merchant based his 1993 directorial debut "In Custody" that starred Shashi Kapoor.
In 1999, "Bhopal Express", a film based on the 1984 Bhopal gas tragedy starring Naseeruddin Shah and Kay Kay Menon was shot here. The yet to release Paresh Rawal-Raghuveer Yadav- starrer "Kusar Prasad Ka Bhoot" was also shot here.
- IANS
Related Posts:  Ticket To Bollywood

Oct 25, 2010

Middle Ground

srinath_20101001

In August 2008 I found myself tramping through fields and bush in Madhya Pradesh accompanied by a few curious young men from a nearby village. My destination was a point on the map identified only by its geodetic coordinates: 23° 21' 26.39"N, 79° 28' 54.39"E. That was the geographical centre of India as I had determined it, and I was on the last leg of a journey made to see what lay there, a journey that had turned increasingly quixotic as it progressed.

My interest in the geographical centre of India had started a few months previously when I'd read of a dispute about the location of the geographical centre of the United States. The geographical centre of a region is commonly defined as the centroid, or centre of mass, of its two-dimensional surface. More handily, it is the point at which a cutout of the region's map balances itself upon a pin. Indeed, this is how the centre of the United States was determined in 1918 by the US Coast and Geodetic Survey. A marker was then installed (at a slight distance owing to the objections of the farmer whose land it was), and a small chapel built for those patriotic citizens who wished to take their wedding vows there. With time, and with the addition of Alaska and Hawaii to the States, there emerged many more claimants to being the centre of the United States, driven it would seem by the possibility that an unheard of village might overnight become a tourist attraction. Meanwhile in Europe, various teams of scientists had applied themselves to finding the geographical centre of the continent with no two teams in agreement, and with all showing a remarkable predisposition to situate the centre in their own countries. The result is a liberal sprinkling of plaques and monuments across the continent claiming to represent its geographical centre.
I presumed there would be some kind of marker at the geographical centre of India too. I had seen the zero mile stone at Nagpur—a truncated obelisk beside a sculpture of four alarmed horses—but it appeared suspiciously off-centre against the outline of India. A map, a sheet of cardboard, and a throwback to craft class later, Nagpur was eliminated. A more careful process with the map, this time enlisting the aid of a geometry box, yielded coordinates vaguely near Jabalpur, but these measurements were nowhere near precise enough to indicate an actual spot. This seemed to confirm the generally adrift factoid that Jabalpur is the geographical centre of India, but I could find no mention anywhere of a spot where this was commemorated. An email enquiry sent to the office of the Surveyor General of India brought no response. It was at a chance meeting with someone who worked in city planning that I realised that GIS (Geographical Information System) software could throw up the exact centroid of any map fed into it. A couple of trips to the Earth Sciences department of IIT Bombay yielded precise coordinates, and I set off, GPS receiver in hand, to plant my flag at the centre of India.
*
My train reached Jabalpur in the afternoon. On arriving in an unfamiliar place I find it useful to take a short walk from the train- or bus-station and stop at a tea stall. This is partly for the tea, but  mostly to orient myself in the new place and acquire some local savvy by talking to a few disinterested people. Even those who are otherwise engaged in predatory tourism-related endeavours tend to feel they are off-duty inside a tea stall and will be forthright. In smaller towns, especially those not accustomed to tourists, one can sometimes be swamped by effusive hospitality. I assumed some such thing was at work when a man came up to me just as I had begun to sip my tea and said, "You look very familiar. Are you a model by any chance?" After my flattered demurral he asked what I was doing in Jabalpur. His face lit up when I told him. "You have met the right person," he said. "I am a follower of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi. Before he died he had started work on building the world's tallest tower at the centre of India. I can give you directions to go there." It also turned out  that the hotel I'd thought of staying in was on the way to his place of work. He offered to drop me off in his car.
My new acquaintance was in his early thirties. He wore jeans and t-shirt and spoke comfortably in English. He said he was a businessman, married, and with a child. Besides work he was interested in "making friends." His questions to me alternately felt stilted and prying: what were my hobbies, was I married, what had I studied, did I like to party. The route he was driving me along was winding and seemed too long for a place the size of Jabalpur. He grew increasingly edgy as the drive progressed, until he asked, "So, are you the straight type or do you like enjoyment?" I admitted to being the straight type and was dropped off at the hotel in a couple of minutes.
What I had just learnt about the Maharishi's tower at the centre of India gave me some pause. Was I to abandon the coordinates I had, put my faith in the Maharishi (as so many had) and go there instead? After all he must have been quite sure of himself to have undertaken the construction of a large and expensive monument there. But then, who knew how exactly he had determined where the centre of India lay? And was it not a little too convenient that the place had been lying unused waiting to be acquired to build a tower? There was also the happy possibility that my coordinates would lead me straight to the Maharishi's tower, but I somehow doubted it.
There had been a realisation welling within me since I had started the whole exercise, something I had kept myself from acknowledging to preserve the romance of the endeavour. It was regarding the very idea of the geographical centre. I had managed to obtain a set of coordinates to several decimal places, an accuracy that would allow me to reach a specific spot. But in reality this air of precision was hardly justified. For starters, I'd begun to see that the geographical centre of a region was more or less a notional thing. The point at which a pin balances a cut-out is the centre of mass of the flat cut-out. To transpose this on to actual physical terrain is to conveniently ignore the fact that the map represents land that is composed of various substances of varying densities all the way down to the earth's molten core.
So: the geographical centre of a region is only that of its map. And all maps are compromises. The earth's surface is curved; a map is flat. This means that a map can preserve accurately only one or two properties among the contour of the region, its area, the distances between places upon it, and relative direction. Then, the contour of a region is itself a fickle thing. It pulses daily with the tides; outlines gradually redraw themselves. Now and then,  an outburst of nature such as the tsunami of 2004 causes a coastline to alter dramatically. In school, when asked to draw a map of India, I would fake an absurd precision by jittering my hand to produce small crenellations in the coastline. It turns out that this bit of pretension was probably as accurate as anything else.
But all this is nothing when compared with the human proclivity for drawing arbitrary national boundaries. For instance, most satisfyingly detailed maps of India on the Internet are distinctly Van Gogh-esque, their northern lobes lopped off. India has territorial disputes ongoing with Pakistan, China, Nepal, and Bangladesh, and the whole messy business is fraught with criss-crossing lines of control, lines of actual control, and assorted lines named after British administrators. I had chosen, in a fit of patriotic fervour, a map that appeared to represent the Indian view of India's boundaries. But there was no reason why this should be accepted as definitive in any larger sense. (A piece of news, breaking even as this is being written, illustrates just how capricious territorial affiliations can be: New Moore Island, to which both India and Bangladesh had laid righteous claim, has just resolved matters by sinking into the Bay of Bengal.)
Then there were choices to be made about including areas that are not contiguous with the Indian mainland. I had left out the Andaman & Nicobar and Lakshadweep islands, which would rightfully deserve consideration while determining the geographical centre of India, but whose distance from the mainland gives them more leverage on the location of the centroid than their sizes warrant. Including them would leave us with a geographical centre somewhere in the southern part of the Indian peninsula, which simply feels wrong.
In the combined light of such expediencies, nature's topographical fickleness, cartographical compromise, and man's territorial cupidity, I was looking at going to a somewhat pointless point. The geographical centre of India was nothing real—just a conceptual dart thrown at a not very well-defined map.
*
Travel exalts itself over its object; destinations are only contrivances. Far from being discouraging, the realisation that my destination was of little consequence only imbued my mission with a smug purity of purpose. I quickly upgraded my self-image from mere intrepid explorer to the intrepid explorer who, like the poet or number theorist, is unsullied by utilitarian motives and therefore nobler. Those coordinates I had no longer held any significance beyond representing a point I wanted to reach, and this was travel at its most idealistic, as close as one could practically get to the traveller's bromide of the journey being the destination. When asked why he wanted to climb Everest, Mallory is supposed to have said, "Because it's there." Had someone asked me around the time why I was going to the geographical centre of India, I might have said, insufferably, "Because it isn't there."
My ticket to Jabalpur had been booked on the strength of my geometry box calculations. I'd obtained the more precise coordinates just before leaving, and I had no idea what sort of terrain they might lie in, or how I'd get there from Jabalpur. Standing at the door of the train I imagined up a montage of National Geographic clips. I saw myself sneaking into protected forests. Trudging up hills with prismatic camera halos trailing off into the sun. Swimming one-armed across lakes, squinting at the GPS receiver in my upraised arm. I was both relieved and disappointed that my destination turned out only to be a bus-ride and a hike away in the end. Such adventures as I did have came not from the terrain, but from the people I encountered and the weight of history and culture acting through them.
In Jabalpur I entered the target coordinates into my GPS receiver. Its screen displayed an arrow pointing north-west and indicated that my destination was at a straight-line distance of a little over fifty kilometres from where I stood. I only had to follow the arrow till I got there. One option was to hire a vehicle and get as close as possible by road. But this could prove expensive, and the logistics of guiding the vehicle and then abandoning it at an arbitrary point seemed messy. I had also in the past learnt the hard way that apparently short straight-line distances can prove fiendishly hard to traverse over land [1] . Had I attempted to bridge the 50km straight-line distance from Jabalpur by road with just the GPS receiver, I might still have been tracing wide circles about Madhya Pradesh.
What I needed was an accurate and detailed map on which I could plot my destination's coordinates to identify the nearest town or village. The closer I managed to reach in this way, the easier it would be to home in using the GPS receiver. It could have been difficult to find a suitable map and to accurately mark a point upon it, but technology now makes this trivial: I went to an Internet cafe, brought up Google Maps and entered my coordinates. My destination turned out to be some way off a road that connected two places called Tendukheda and Taradehi in the neighbouring district of Damoh. Satellite imagery for the region was unavailable, so I still did not know what lay there or even if the place was accessible. (This is being written in early 2010 when satellite imagery for the area is quite clear about what lies there. As useful as technology is for travel, it would appear it can also take some of the the fun out of it.)
A morning bus dropped me off at Tendukheda, an hour and a half along the route from Jabalpur to Damoh. The town was organised around a single dusty market street with shops crammed together to the point where one overflowed into the next. Each establishment was startlingly all-purpose: cold drinks beside milk and eggs, stationery alongside sweets, cigarettes on a shelf next to medicines, plastic toys in plastic covers hanging above sacks of sugar and grain. Pushcarts of snacks and fruit lined the street. Cows stood rooted amidst the bustle, waiting for peels to come their way. The GPS receiver showed I was 7 km from my destination. I asked for the way to Taradehi and was pointed to a narrow road that branched to the left from the market street.
Taradehi was around 20 km away with buses going there every half hour. If I took a bus I'd have to get off somewhere along the way and continue off the road. But what destination would I give the conductor when he came round with the tickets? And I'd have to sit peering at the GPS receiver and call for an arbitrary stop. For someone who was clearly not a local to get off the bus and walk away with nothing in sight would draw attention, maybe even suspicion, from my fellow passengers. The prospect of having every eye trained on me as the bus pulled away was too much to bear. I decided it would be easier to walk.
I had to ascertain that the road to Taradehi branched off to the left at some point, and ask if there were smaller paths I could take after leaving the road. I spoke to several people in the initial stretch close to Tendukheda. They'd invariably begin by asking for the name of the place I wanted to go to. I'd say I didn't know and see them turn wary. I would then explain that the centre of India was nearby and that I was trying to go there (which, even if it wasn't the most up-to-date version of the truth, was the most I could think of communicating). I'd point out my destination relative to Tendukheda and Taradehi on a rough map I had drawn. A few people took in my explanation quietly. Others seemed piqued—they wanted to know how I'd determined the spot, how I'd know when I reached it. I would explain, show them the GPS receiver. I learnt that there were several villages in the direction I was headed in, and paths to reach them from the tarred road.
The road grew desolate after I left Tendukheda. The neat fields close to the town dissipated into sparse but vivid vegetation, a rough patchwork of green ranging away to meet the grey sky. Monsoon scrub forest, as the vegetation here is classified, happens to be a particularly apt term. Summers are arid and the ground turns a desiccated yellow-brown with only clumps of bramble rising at intervals. The green breaks out with the monsoon rains, turning the region into a lush grassland dotted with shrubs. The fixtures through the year are the trees, expansive and stately by virtue of not being crowded together. A mango tree here is a vast shimmering globe of deep green.
The odd two-wheeler or tractor passed by at intervals. A motorcyclist in a safari suit who was headed the other way turned around and stopped to ask who I was and where I was walking to. I told him. He  seemed crushed. "I would surely have given you a ride," he said. "But I  have to meet someone now."
For the first half hour or so, I was headed more or less towards my destination and the distance indicator diminished steadily. As I kept walking, the needle on the screen of my GPS receiver gradually shifted to the left. Increasingly, I was walking at a tangent to my destination and covering the remaining distance less quickly. I came upon a mud path veering off to the left. At the junction was an old man resting under a tree with a few children playing around him. I stopped to ask where the path led to. They could understand my Hindi [2], but I could follow very little of the heavily inflected Bundelkhandi they were speaking. We repeated ourselves until we were tired. From their gesticulations and the few words I had deciphered, I learnt that the old man and the kids were from a village called Surguwan some distance down the path.
The path to Surguwan wended its way through an endless green. There were bicycle tracks visible on the mud path, but no people in sight. Keeping me company was the odd sight of a tree that seemed to have had a neat hole punched through a corner of its canopy, leaving it a curled-up crescent. The sun had begun to make fleeting appearances that stirred up the recent rain into a stifling humidity. Soon my clothes were drenched in sweat and the single bottle of water I had was almost empty.
One of the first houses I came upon in Surguwan had a group of boys in their late teens and early twenties standing outside, chatting. They fell silent on spotting me. I must have looked out of place and quite ridiculous: red-faced from heat and exertion, wearing jeans and a sweat-soaked shirt, shielding myself from the sun with a black umbrella. I went up to the house and asked for water. They froze. The oldest of the boys looked me over and asked one of the others to bring water. He asked what I was doing there. I launched into my story about the centre of India. They were incredulous when they learnt I had just walked from Tendukheda. The air grew thick with solicitude. I couldn't have been more fussed over had I crawled out of a desert croaking for water. But before they could follow through on their humanitarian instincts, they needed an assurance. The oldest boy introduced himself by his full name: Govind Upadhyay. "We are all Pundits," he told me with some pride. The rest followed with their full names, creating a vaguely ceremonial air. I gave them my first name, but Govind wanted to know my full name. I told him, and they looked puzzled. Another boy asked, "Aap general ho?" It took me a moment to realise that it was my caste they had been after. Not being a beneficiary of affirmative action was evidently a baseline of sorts. I answered yes, and was invited in, offered a charpoy to rest on, given a hand-fan to cool myself. I refused their offers of tea and food. They asked some probing questions. How did I know that where I was going was the centre of India? How would I know when I got there? I brought out my notebook and balanced it on a finger, I demonstrated the use of the GPS receiver. They seemed convinced. Why did I want to go there?
"Just like that," I said. Uneasy silence.
"Are you from the government?"
"No." More silence, doubtful looks. "Why would I walk if I was from the government? Wouldn't I have come in a jeep?" Thoughtful nods, grudging acceptance.
My GPS receiver showed a distance of a little over two kilometres remaining. In Surguwan they had told me to go on to the next village, Bhataria. I had walked for a while when I heard shouts behind me. Govind and two others I'd met at the village caught up with me. "We're coming with you," Govind said. "The centre of India is near our village and we don't even know where. We'd like to see it too."
Gandhi might have made the same discovery: if one walks purposefully enough, people will eventually follow. We walked on together, stopping occasionally to reorient ourselves. My new-found companions speculated about where our destination might lie. They wavered between Bada Dev, the name given to a large tract of agricultural land tilled by nearby villages, and the open forest that lay beyond.
A man working in a field called out to me and said something. I didn't understand what he said, and I was by then too tired to stop and pay attention. One of the boys told him, quite rudely, to mind his own business, and he went back to his work. My companions told me that the man, like most of the population of the area, was a Gond.
The Gonds are an aboriginal people found in pockets across much of Central and South India. They give their name to Gondwanaland, the super-continent of a past geological age that consisted of the present Indian subcontinent, the Arabian peninsula, and almost all the land mass now in the Southern Hemisphere. (More evidence of nature's fundamentally shifty nature.) I had visited several palaces and monuments around Jabalpur that were built by the Gonds when they ruled the region from the 12th to the 18th century. But they later went into decline and are now an impoverished lot who mainly provide labour [3].
Currently, many Gonds find themselves in conflict with the state. A little to the east from where I was, members from the Gond and other tribes are part of Maoist groups up in arms against the state, provoked by long-term neglect and exploitation. The government's eagerness to reclaim the resource-rich territory and the Maoists' ideological steadfastness promises no simple or peaceful solution.
It was a source of great annoyance to my General companions that Gonds, who were categorised as a Scheduled Tribe after Independence, enjoy reservations for education and employment. Gonds, they told me, are erratic and not interested in education or in working. Still, they're the ones who gain easy admission into colleges and get government jobs. A Gond can become a teacher in a local school after passing the 8th standard. But my General friends would have trouble getting the same job even if they'd passed the 12th standard. They would have to work in the fields, or move to a town or city in the hope of getting a  job.
Govind asked what I did for a living. At the time I worked as a researcher for a telecom multinational. I said so and waited with dread for him to ask—as people had in the past—how much I made. The figure was not exceptional by city standards, but in that place, with all the preceding talk about how hard it was to find a job, it would have seemed obscene. I could lie, but that would be patronising. To tell the truth would be cruel. In either case it would create a distance between us. Perhaps Govind was conscious of this too; he didn't ask. But I couldn't help feeling uneasy. To be city-bred and relatively affluent cut me off from a large part of the country. Bridges could be built, but they would be temporary. We could be friendly for a while, but it was unlikely we would be friends.
With only a few hundred metres to go we entered Bada Dev, an expanse of paddy and urad dal in small plots marked off by ridges of earth and bramble fences. We made skirting progress along the boundaries of flooded plots. When finally we had gone around a patch of paddy twice with the GPS pointing inwards and showing only a few metres to go, we knew we had reached our destination. I would have been content to stand at the edge and return, but the others were already rolling up their trouser legs. We sloshed through the paddy until we reached what was for our purposes the geographical centre of India. The significance of the spot had waned in the preceding days and I hadn't been feeling much by way of anticipation, so I was surprised at how pleased I felt. It was not the heady triumph of conquest I might have imagined on the train while setting out, but more a sense of closure at having seen the project through to the end. One of my companions was determined to coax the GPS receiver, which was vacillating about zero, to actually rest there. I told him it didn't matter, that the GPS was accurate to only within a few metres, but he had already embarked on a dance performed in microscopic increments while peering at the display. He succeeded eventually in holding on to a zero reading for a few moments, standing on one leg in the water like a crane, an arm balletically stretched out.
We enquired with someone working in a neighbouring field and learnt that the paddy patch we were in belonged to a man named Nathuram. Govind began to laugh. "The centre of India is in the name of the person who killed Gandhi," he explained. We rested a while on a nearby pile of rocks. I offered Govind some water from my bottle. He refused quite casually. It was a humid day and we had been walking a while, so I asked him if he was sure. He blushed. "It's nothing like that," he said, and splashed a little water into his mouth, keeping the bottle upraised. Before we left I asked what the postal address for the paddy patch would be. I was told, care of its owner: "Nathuram Eherwar, Harijan. Bada Dev. Village: Bhataria. Post: Dhangour. Tehsil: Tendukheda. District: Damoh."
It turned out that I had taken a more arduous route than necessary to reach my destination. I needn't have come through Govind's village at all. I could have taken a bus going towards Taradehi and alighted at Dhangour. From there it's only a half-hour's walk to Bhataria and Nathuram's paddy patch. Of course, I couldn't have known this earlier. Besides, I wouldn't have met Govind and his cousins if I had taken the more direct route. I declined their invitation to go home with them for a meal. It was already evening and I had to return to Jabalpur. We said our goodbyes and I walked alone to Dhangour.
A clutch of waiting people constituted the bus stop. A man and a woman, relatively urbane looking, stood talking to one side. Villagers milled about them, but the two kept to themselves, arms folded, with the air of absorption that teachers and students sometimes feign to avoid acknowledging each other outside class. One of them, I learnt later, was indeed the village school-teacher. The other ran the health-centre. They were from Tendukheda and evidently people of some importance, for soon a passing jeep stopped and respectfully offered them a ride.
To one side of the bus stop was a small room, mostly windows, that functioned as a tea stall. While I waited for tea, a man marched up to me and said something angrily. I recognised him after he had repeated himself a few times. He was the Gond field labourer who had tried speaking to me earlier in the day. He wanted to know why I had ignored him. I explained that I hadn't understood what he was saying. He seemed somewhat placated.
A middle-aged man sitting on a bench outside made room for me. I sipped syrupy tea that tasted of ash while becoming the object of much curiosity. Where was I from, why had I come there. I explained. A few men ambled over, stood right in front of me, stared with some mixture of interest, alarm and disapproval, and went away. Others spread the word.
"Have you heard? It seems the centre of India is right here."
"Where?"
"Bhataria."
An old man in a turban, who had been sitting perfectly still as if the world was no longer worth expending energy upon, stirred to life. He asked with something resembling hope, "Really? Will the government do anything?"
Someone else snorted. "What will the government do. Has it ever done anything?"
The man beside me asked why I had wanted to come there. "Just like that," I told him.
He smiled knowingly and shook his head. "No one does anything 'just like that'. There must be some reason."
I felt compelled to come up with a worthy reason. "I might write about the experience," I told him.
"Will you get any money for it?"
"It's possible."
"I knew it," he said, pleased at having caught me out. "No one does anything 'just like that'."
I finished my tea and tried to hand the empty glass over to the proprietor. He reared as if I had pointed a gun at him. He gestured to me to stay still, brought a mug of water, poured some into the glass, and motioned to me to empty it outside. He then took the empty glass.
*
For the number of people waiting at the bus stop, surprisingly few climbed in when the bus arrived. But it stopped every few minutes to pick up a passenger. One of the first was a man swaddled in saffron who took the seat across the aisle from mine. The conductor came by and asked him for Rs. 15.
"We are a man of god."
"Very good. Fifteen rupees."
"Try to understand. We aren't just any passenger. We are a man of god."
"But you're sitting in the bus, aren't you?"
It was only the threat of being shunted off the bus that made the sadhu produce a ten rupee note from the folds of his robes.
Near the front of the bus, a man rose unsteadily. For a while he stood in the aisle, facing the back of the bus, looking unreasonably happy. He proceeded to lurch down the aisle, backrest to backrest, a drunk Tarzan. He fell into the empty seat next to mine, turned towards me, leaned his face close to mine, and stayed there with a fixed smile. I had begun to wonder if my trip was going to end as it had begun when he spoke: "Bhaisaab, can you spare some gutkha?" I said I didn't have any. He clambered across the aisle and began to beam at the sadhu. "Can you spare some gutkha?"
"Can't you see we are a man of god!"
"Why are you shouting? I just need some gutkha. Do you have it or not?"
A believer seated a few rows ahead could not bear the impiety. He came to the sadhu and said, "Maharaj, these people are troubling you. Please come and sit with me." The sadhu changed seats ponderously and launched into a discourse for the benefit of his new neighbour.
*
I discovered later that that other sadhu's edifice, the Maharishi's 224 storey Centre of India tower, was never built. Its proposed location was Katangi, of which there are a couple in Madhya Pradesh, one around 30 km from Tendukheda.
I also later found an exasperated essay called Geographical Centres by one Oscar  S. Adams, Senior Mathematician, United States Coast and Geodetic Survey. It was written in the aftermath of Alaska and Hawaii joining the US in 1959, amidst the spate of public interest in where the new geographical centre of the US might lie. In a tone that suggests he has endured enough, Adams explains why it is meaningless to chase after geographical centres. He concludes by saying, "It is a conception that depends almost entirely for its existence upon the curiosity of mankind. It is inevitable that there are as many geographical centers of a state or country or any other area as there are people determining them. Any reasonable method will give a center as satisfactory as any other one. This is a case in which all may differ but all be right."
If Adams' essay had turned up earlier, or if my research had been thorough, I would almost surely not have embarked on my centripetal journey. But as things stand, I'm glad I went. The geographical centre of India may not have an existence in reality, but I had still gone there with a desperate precision, and my experiences along the way combined to evoke for me a metaphorical centre of the country. The idea of a 'real India' is as dubious as the idea of a geographical centre, again a matter in which "all may differ but all be right," but here perceptions can vary without detracting from each other's validity. I was left with  a collage of impressions that are undeniably of this land at this time: a married man cruising for men in the afternoon; the incomprehensibility of even a shared language; warm, but sadly conditional hospitality; an endless stock of well-meaning curiosity; a people marginalised, first by others, then by their own; mistrust of the government; the idea of caste despairingly well-woven into the patterns of life; the oppressed and oppressor trading roles; the economic divide and the attendant alienation; the townsman's aloofness from the villager; the pious and the irreverent trundling along together. Not to forget the city slick, armed with bluster and technology, trampling his way through the fields to an imaginary destination.

Sep 28, 2010

A Dog's Life

A dog's life couldn't get worse. A mongrel brought up in an upper caste home in Morena was kicked out after the Rajput family members discovered that their Sheru had eaten a roti from a dalit woman and was now an "untouchable". Next, Sheru was tied to a pole in the village's dalit locality. His controversial case is now pending with the district collector, the state police and the Scheduled Caste Atrocities police station in Morena district of north MP.

The black cur, of no particular pedigree, was accustomed to the creature comforts in the home of its influential Rajput owners in Manikpur village in Morena. Its master, identified by the police as Rampal Singh, is a rich farmer with local political connections.

A week ago Sunita Jatav, a dalit woman, was serving lunch to her farm labourer husband. "There was a 'roti' left over from lunch. I saw the dog roaming and fed it the last bread," Sunita said. "But when Rampal Singh saw me feeding the dog and he grew furious. He yelled: 'Cobbler woman, how dare you feed my dog with your roti?' He rebuked me publicly. I kept quiet thinking the matter would end there. But it got worse," she said.

On Monday, Rampal ex-communicated the dog. A village panchayat was called, which decided that Sheru would now have to live with Sunita and her family because it had become an untouchable. Sunita Jatav was fined Rs 15,000.

An outraged Sunita and her brother Nahar Singh Jatav rushed to Sumawali police station. They were directed to take the matter to the SC/ST Atrocities police station in Kalyan. "When we went there, the officer asked us why we fed the dog," recalls Nahar. "So we went to the DSP in the SC/ST Atrocities department and submitted a memorandum to him, as also to the district collector. But no one has registered our FIR so far.

DSP SC/ST Atrocities (Morena), Baldev Singh, recalls, "We got a complaint in which it has been alleged that a dog was declared untouchable and a dalit family fined for feeding it. We are investigating the allegation," said the officer.

Sep 23, 2010

Pyar Impossible

The Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court will pronounce its judgement on the 60-year-old Ayodhya title suits on September 24, a decision that may trigger a political fallout. The date for pronouncement of the judgement reserved by a special full bench comprising Justices S.U Khan, Sudhir Agarwal and D V Sharma on July 26, was conveyed to the counsels appearing in the four title suits relating to the disputed site at Ayodhya.
The court will be addressing three issues. One, whether there was a temple at the disputed site, prior to 1538. Two, whether the suit filed by the Babri committee in 1961 is barred by limitation. And third, whether Muslims perfected their title through adverse possession.
The first title suit was filed in 1950 by one Gopal Singh Visharad, seeking an injunction for permitting 'pooja' (worship) of Lord Ram at the disputed site.The first suit goes back to 1885, the year the Indian National Congress was born. The case was revived in 1950. In 1885, the Faizabad deputy commissioner refused to let Mahant Raghubar Das build a temple on land adjoining the disputed structure. Das then filed a title suit in a Faizabad court against the secretary of state for India, seeking permission to build a temple on the Chabutra on the outer courtyard of the disputed structure. His suit was dismissed on the ground that the event (alleged demolition of an original Ram temple in 1528) had occurred over 350 years earlier, and so it was “too late now” to remedy the grievance. “Maintain status quo. Any innovation may cause more harm than any benefit,” the court said.

The second suit was filed by Paramhans Tamchandra Das also in 1950 seeking the same injunction but this was later withdrawn.

The third suit was filed in 1959 by Nirmohi Akhara, seeking direction to hand over the charge of the disputed site from the receiver.

The fourth suit was filed in the 1961 by UP Sunni Central Board of Waqfs for declaration and possession of the site.

The fifth suit was moved on July one, 1989 in the name of Bhagwan Shree Ram Lalla Virajman also for declaration and possession.

With one of these suits having been withdrawn, four title suits remained pending in the Faizabad civil court and in 1989, on an application moved by then then Advocate General of UP, these suits were transferred to the High Court.

So will that be the final word on Ayodhya? Certainly not. There are dozens of other petitions — for access, right to worship or pray, writ petitions and the like. Further more, any party can challenge the verdict in the Supreme Court which, if it admits the appeal, will immediately order status quo. The Supreme Court’s decision will be final unless one of the parties seeks a review — by the same bench — or file a curative petition to an apex court bench of at least five judges. Also remember that the Allahabad high court only began hearings in 1996, and in six years ,had managed to hear only twelve witnesses!

What could be the solution then? The solution, ironically, is obvious to any body who wants to solve the issue. The Government Of India, sadly, does not appear to be one.  
Union Home Minister Buta Singh called a meeting of leaders of all national parties in a bid to find a workable solution on May 16, 1989. The solution proposed by one speaker "The dispute cannot be resolved in a court of law, it should be solved by goodwill from both sides. In this connection, the site under dispute should be handed over to Hindus who, as a goodwill gesture, will maintain the structure as it is, without there being any worship by either community. A temple and mosque should be built near the disputed shrine, to satisfy both communities and restore harmony".

This came from, no not a pseudo-secularist, but from Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

In the deposition of former prime minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh before the Justice Liberhan Commission on November 20, 2001, he testified that during his tenure, Muslim leaders led by Syed Shahabuddin put forward a three-part formula. The community agreed, firstly, to abide by any and all court orders. Second, the Muslims would withdraw all cases relating to all areas other than the one on which the Babri Masjid physically stood. Thirdly, the Muslims would not in any way oppose construction of the Ram temple from the adjoining Ram Chabootra onwards.

As per Singh, negotiations were begun with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in the person of the late Bhaurao Deoras. The meeting took place in the home of RSS sympathiser and media baron Ramnath Goenka. Deoras on that occasion made an oral statement, which was then typed out and signed. In it, Deoras said that though the Ram Janambhoomi belonged to the Hindus, "it did not behove the Hindu ethos to demolish any place of worship". Therefore, the Hindu community would react favourably to the Muslim proposal for construction of the temple in the area immediately abutting the masjid.

News of the imminent solution, leaked out to the Congress. That party by then had begun seeing nightmares of a possible axis between the Janata Dal and the BJP, supported by the 'secular' left. In order to counteract it, Rajiv Gandhi went to the VHP's Ashok Singhal with a "better proposal" - shilanyas.

In 2003, the Prayag Peeth Shankaracharya, Swami Madhawananda Saraswati, had agreed to the building of a temple and a mosque within the area in question in Ayodhya.
Workable solutions have been found, and then scuttled by one party or another with a vested interest in keeping the pot boiling.

However when the pot boiled over, the leaders were seen asking for protection themselves.
Like on October 31, 1991, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bharatiya Janata Party leaders address thousands of karsevaks who have assembled in Ayodhya at their behest. The speakers range from VHP President Ashok Singhal to BJP leader L K Advani -- but the message is the same. 'You have given us power in Uttar Pradesh. And in return, the Kalyan Singh government has acquired the land, handed it over to the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas for temple construction, and even performed a bhoomi pujan for the second pillar of the main entrance. Now we need you to go back home and work to bring the BJP to power at the Centre -- only then can we remove all obstacles and construct the temple here.'The karsevaks who had travelled to Ayodhya from remote corners of the country, and in the preceeding days been primed to the gills with emotional and religious fervour, were outraged. They had come to work for the Ram temple, not to listen to political propaganda.They expressed their disgust through abuse hurled at the leaders (Bajrang Dal chief Vinay Katiyar barely escaped physical assault on that occasion), and followed it up by breaking the security cordon, clambering atop the Babri Masjid, and hoisting a saffron flag on top of it.
On December 6, 1992, the Babri Masjid was demolished. In its aftermath, the BJP and the VHP repeatedly said that it was 'a spontaneous reaction' by the assembled faithful. So what were the karsevaks 'spontaneously reacting' to? Disappointment. Yet again, they had been brought together from various parts of the country, yet again an enormous amount of emotional energy and religious fervour had been whipped up, and yet again, they found themselves watching a token ceremony and listening to a lot of speeches. Enough is enough, they said as they proceeded to storm the masjid and say it with pickaxes and hammers.

On March 15, 2002, yet again, this time braving the most stringent security clampdown yet witnessed in the region, a few hundred karsevaks manage to infiltrate into Ayodhya. Yet again, fervour and emotion are systematically whipped up over the preceding fortnight. Yet again, karsevaks are led to believe that actual construction will commence. The shila daan procession commences. Without warning, Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas president Ramchandra Das Paramhans switches plans, scurries inside his akhara, and announces that he will hand over the shila right there.
The move angers the assembled sadhus and karsevaks. The sadhus abuse the VHP and the mahant - 'Is this why you asked us to assemble here? Is this why you put the people of Ayodhya through so much hardship?' they demand. The karsevaks raise angry slogans accusing the VHP of a sell-out. A housewife makes an angry speech accusing the VHP of corruption and of toying with people's sentiments, and the crowd that had gathered at the behest of the VHP cheers her on. VHP International President Ashok Singhal is reduced to asking the security personnel to clear the akhara premises, to protect him from his followers. He is also forced to ask for the summary ejection of the media. After all, which leader wants prime time viewers to see video footage of himself being abused by his own followers?

We have all been to places where local taxi drivers or relatives we are visiting to point out places where "Hanumanji rested" or "Pandavs came visiting". When travelling in Mathura, locals  would point to a stone and tell that this is where Krishna sat and played the flute, that this little patch of greenery and jacaranda trees is where Radha danced in ecstasy to the divine music. Do you ask for proof? No body does. Hinduism is full of such articles of faith.

The Supreme Court recognized this fact when it sensibly refused to entertain the then government's request that the apex court determine whether Ram was in fact born in Janambhoomi. So let's take that for granted and not waste the court's time raising the question and then producing truckloads of documents purportedly proving it.

One has to clearly understand that the verdict of the court is of interest to the parties involved and not any religious communities. The turmoil and unrest, if any, is for the benefit of political parties.

Aug 3, 2010

Rani Kamlapati To Mayank Shyam – The Gonds Of Bhopal

BhopaleJangarh1.aspx On 2 July 2001, on the Japanese island of Honshu, Jangarh Singh Shyam  hanged himself from the ceiling fan in his room. He had been living at the Mithila Museum on an arts residency. He was 37. Two worlds mourned Jangarh — artists and central India’s Gond community. The rest of us barely noticed the passing of the prodigious Adivasi artist who had made Paris gasp. Nine years later, few of us still have a sense of how much Jangarh’s life and death has wrought.
On the morning of 12 July 2010, Mayank Shyam steps out of his black Santro and waits for his mother Nankusia to emerge in her best sari. The 24-year-old had driven 12 hours from Bhopal to Patangarh village the previous week. Patangarh is the bright green village in the hills of eastern Madhya Pradesh, where his father Jangarh Shyam came from. Several admirers have gathered here to unveil a bust of Jangarh.
A local DJ, instructed to play items with gravitas, has unleashed his Independence Day playlist — Aye Mere Watan Ke Logon is blaring over the village. Everything has been organised by Jangarh disciple Suresh Uruveti, and while everyone is polite, standing on the main street, the event has boiled up all the intense rivalry in this motherlode of Gond art. Who is Suresh to take all the decisions by himself, Jangarh’s clan want to know. Why aren’t their names on the invitation card? They all want Jangarh honoured. Haven’t they too — all of them — been transformed by what Jangarh had done?

The market for Gond art is swelling — everyone wants a piece. Sotheby’s auctioned a Jangarh painting for Rs 6.3 lakh last March. Nankusia is antsy that right now, someone somewhere might be selling her husband’s work. Mayank, insouciant in his dark sunglasses and jeans, chats about this and that — his big car woofers and the post-monsoon landscape here — seemingly nonchalant about the unveiling today or the larger battle for his father’s legacy.

It seems easy enough to be Mayank Shyam. His name has cachet. Buzz around his work has grown. His juvenilia was auctioned for KMOMA, Kolkata by Sotheby’s for over $5,000. He’ll have his first solo in Paris next summer. It seems to be easy — easy enough — to be the heir apparent of an Adivasi art that’s beginning to make money. Except for a few catches.

First, the ‘tradition’ is only 30 years old. Secondly, Mayank’s art bears little resemblance to the tradition. And third, if he’s unwilling to do the dance of ethnicity, he may not be able to sell his work. Even now, the most global Indian arts and literature still require some stylised elephants to sell internationally. Even two decades after his father’s Paris launch, the response to indigenous art remains patronising. Mayank may be a prince, but he may yet become a prince of nothing. What is a 24-year-old to do?

You may not have heard of Jangarh but you’d recognise Gond art if you saw it. Step up close. Dot after dot of brilliant colour, needle-fine lines mesh into light and shade. Step back and the morse code bursts into fables, cityscapes, big-eyed figures. Step back further and you feel the fierceness — every playful figure leaps tiger-like at you. BhopaleJangarh2.aspx

This month’s Adivasi art exhibit at the Musée du quai Branly in Paris, curated by Dr Jyotindra Jain, created a stir with its showcase of Jangarh’s work. You may have seen Bhajju Shyam’s travelogue called the London Jungle Book, or seen snippets about Venkat Shyam’s recent solo US show, or of Sukhnandi Vyam’s sculptures shown in Delhi. Later this year, expect Bhimayana, a stylish graphic novel about Ambedkar’s life drawn by the Gond couple Subhash and Durgabai Vyam — it’ll be published in four languages.

At the Patangarh event, Nankusia speaks of her husband gravely. Suresh watches nervously as everything goes smoothly, although Mayank has disappeared just before the event begins. Jyothi, a farmer who lives across the street, has sold two paintings to visitors. A younger artist circles nervously around a collector with a reputation for rapaciousness.

At last, the bust is unveiled. It gleams, it is unmistakably Jangarh, but rather amateurish. No one, not even Suresh remembers the Kolkata sculptor’s name. Why not a Gond sculptor? Subhash Vyam, Jangarh’s brother-in-law, squirms a bit. “None of us know fine art,” he says. A statement that baffles till you realise he means that theirs is not the realistic style that village squares demand. The odd moment makes you reconsider what your eyes expect to see, and how little we want to be challenged. Gond art is verging on becoming a household name. So why is it still treated like a precocious child — with either piousness or condescension?
Mayank can trace his current situation to its roots more easily than most contemporary artists. The history of contemporary Gond art is the history of his family, of his father.What we know as Gond art is not a traditional art. Like the rice powder kolams drawn every day in south Indian homes, the wall drawings in the Gond houses were not things people thought much about before Jangarh. Today, you see them very occasionally in the villages — simple in line and usually in white or yellow. What we know as Gond art is a whole new beast called Jangarh Kalam — the style of Jangarh. Jangarh’s clever dots, delicate lines and lively menagerie of animals catapulted dozens of artists to the façade of the Madhya Pradesh legislative assembly building. Udayan Vajpayi and Vivek argue in their book Jangarh Kalam, that if Jangarh’s style came from anywhere outside his fertile mind, it came from the pointilistic tattoos that Gond women sport.

BhopaleJangarh3
As a Pardhan Gond, Jangarh was supposed to be a bard — to remember and sing the Gond history. But the highly musical Jangarh was desperately poor. In the village everyone tells amusing stories of Jangarh and Nankusia’s several attempts to elope while still in school. They married at 15. The youngest of a large family, Jangarh tried everything to make some money. He quit school and tried his hand at farming. He grazed buffaloes and sold milk in the nearest town. Then and now, these Gond villages, staggering in their beauty, had little opportunities or conveniences cherished by modernity. Even today, there is a severe shortage of water and electricity. You could spend the day in a haze of mahua and memories of Gond glory or work very, very hard at farming. Or you could take your genes for granted and follow Jangarh. In Patangarh, Sanpuri and Gaar-ka-matta, many young people do.
The Gond art world, like any other, is a potent mixture of talent, avarice, in-fighting, self-fashioning — and bullshit. In 1981, Nankusia had never dreamt that her husband’s wall drawings would change everyone’s destiny. That year, 17-year-old Jangarh’s turn for art was discovered in his village by a team led by the artist J Swaminathan. He was brought to Bharat Bhavan, the cultural centre in Bhopal. He was encouraged to try new (and traditional) materials and techniques. He became an international hit when his work was shown at the Pompidou Centre in Paris. Money followed fame and he encouraged cousin after cousin to apprentice with him. If you meet a Gond artist, it is highly unlikely he or she is unrelated to Jangarh. Every Gond artist has a story of being found in the shy shadows by a teasing Jangarh.

Jangarh’s death is still a mystery. It was not his first time abroad. Generous with time, money, music and good humour, he made friends wherever he went. In the beginning he had written home. He was enjoying himself. He missed them. He would be back soon, he had said.

BhopaleJangarh4Outside his family, there are those who tried to understand his death with what little they knew or assumed about Adivasi culture. Some worry even now that he had not been culturally equipped to deal with loneliness. Others speculate he must have felt enslaved by the Mithila Museum, which paid him a small stipend and held his passport. Still others comment casually ‘that these Adivasis are impulsive and tend to think of consequences later’. Among Gonds, whole villages mourn him. His death created a fresh surge of interest in the art and today there are nearly 100 Gond artists in Bhopal.

Today Gond art is sold in galleries and auctions, not obscure handicraft shops. Gond painters are not anonymous. They’ve crossed the artificial ravine between craft and art largely because Jangarh, groomed in Bharat Bhavan amidst modern artists, put a signature to his work and encouraged other Gond artists to do so too. The idea that the modern art market demands individual identity is strong among the group. It is the market that demands individualism, though the artists themselves don’t mind younger people (untested except by their genes) trying their hand at their canvasses.

And sometimes it is simply necessary to have extra hands. In the new house Subhash and Durgabai Vyam live in with their massive clan, everyone is an assistant. Upstairs, downstairs, everyone who can hold a brush, paints. The Vyams have an eye on the demand curve. In Delhi, even recently, respectable collectors have tried to buy their work at bargain- basement prices, arguing, “I used to buy Jangarh’s work for Rs 500!” Faceless buyers ordering in bulk on the phone or email are much easier to deal with than the seemingly wellintentioned promoters who want free samples.

Back in the villages where Jangarh’s clan lives, every lane has an artist. Take for example, 23-year-old Dwarka who has trained with Nankusia in Bhopal. He has come home to Gaarka- matta to swiftly assemble a portfolio between grazing cows and farming. Right now, he depends on the arrival of the curious, the determined and acquisitive. One story he tells is illustrative, “Once a collector came here looking for me and I was grazing buffaloes far away. There had been no electricity for days so my cellphone was dead. By the time I came back at dusk, she was gone. Never heard from her again.”

Jangarh wore a safari suit and felt great. But someone yelled, ‘Why are you not wearing your traditional clothing?’

Like any other art world, the Gond artist community is a potent mixture of talent, avarice, in-fighting, self-fashioning — and bullshit. Not that there aren’t enough facile characterisations of Adivasi art coming from outside. In Mayank and his younger sister Japani’s Bhopal home, with its trendy orange and purple walls, it’s embarrassing to remember the KMOMA website which describes Mayank’s cityscapes as ‘confrontations of the ancient with the modern’. At home, the siblings talk endlessly about art and technique. They giggle at the aberration their younger brother is. Bablu has no interest in art and has recently found hip-hop dance classes in Bhopal.

The Gond artists may in the future become savvy enough to avoid the exploitative. But it is more difficult to avoid the tendency to self-exoticise. Man Singh Vyam (20, city-slick and verging on fat) frantically tells fables of simplicity, sentimental tales about how his art is inspired by the memories of playing on the swing in his grandmother’s village. These stories can make you wince. So can meetings with old people in the impoverished Gond villages. Calloused by decades of greedy researchers, they now catch the unwary and say, “Don’t you want to hear traditional Gond songs? Turn on your recorder, buy me mahua and I’ll sing for you.” The feeling of being stuck in porn for anthropologists — a pool of excessive and perhaps fake ethnographic display — is unavoidable. This is a distinct departure from Man Singh’s mother, the award-winning Durgabai Vyam who slips from prosaic conversation into the story of the river Narmada’s failed wedding as if she were a compassionate eyewitness, so real is the myth of Narmada maiyya to her imagination.

Mayank is not an obvious victim of self-exoticisation. He and Japani are untroubled by questions of identity or politics. Mayank recently met the artist Subodh Gupta and admires him for using the innocuous steel bartan to create spectacle. Sprawled in shorts and a T-shirt that says, ‘I have a drinking problem. I can’t afford it,’ Mayank gently mocks the art world. In Kolkata he told people that ‘Nice to meet you’ is a phrase one should only use when one is saying goodbye. When Shireen Gandhy of Chemould Prescott Road gallery, Mumbai, asked him to stop calling her ‘madam’, he asked if he could call her bua instead. He has a taste for short-circuiting the polite nothings of the cocktail party circuit.

“I am an Adivasi child,” Mayank says as often and as casually as he talks of Paris. He is sure that Paris — the site of his father’s first international success — is waiting. His buttersmoothness is upset only by ignorant people who assume his art is primitive. “When I heard people saying, ‘Even I can draw this’, I became determined to develop a style that stumps people.” His first innovation is the absence of primary colours. Also, unlike the others’ free-floating figures, Mayank’s black-and-white drawings are anchored in a sea of tightly packed grains of ink that takes months to create. His human and animal figures emerge out of a lush, modern imagination. There is no sense of the harried workshop in Mayank’s house as in the Vyam household. Mayank’s sights are not set on the anonymous buyer on the phone.

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But Mayank too is complicit in why his art is condescended to. He tells an intriguing story about the young Jangarh. “For his first show, he bought a safari suit and felt great. But when he arrived someone yelled, ‘Why are you not wearing traditional clothing?’ He ran and changed.” What would he have done in his father’s place? He and Japani smile pragmatically. “If someone thinks that for a show we should wear our traditional clothes, we’d wear it. No problem.” Japani says she has dressed up for shows and enjoyed it. How often do they wear their traditional clothes otherwise? Almost never, says Mayank. For Mayank, what he wears or the extreme challenges of rural living — a transition he makes effortlessly whenever he visits Patangarh — has nothing to do with being Adivasi. But he knows that the occasional performance of cute ‘authenticity’ is what the world wants.

You may quarrel with the recent deployment of Jangarh Kalam in children’s books, if one considers art for children intellectually irrelevant. You may wonder how Gond artists feel about adapting their style for graphic novels or animation. But what you can’t think is that Jangarh Kalam is unsophisticated and address it in unsophisticated terms, as if all of it is equally pretty or dull. We need the intellectual apparatus to understand contemporary Gond art on its own terms, in its visual vocabulary, with its own inventiveness.
The way in which the form has rapidly developed in Bhopal in just under three decades can show a way forward for fading traditional arts. Beginning with Jangarh, every Gond artist has taught younger people to paint. Perhaps this convention came about from backbreaking deadlines. One need not ascribe altruism here but the practice makes the form robust. Painting, as critics wandering Delhi and Mumbai galleries will tell you, is dying because successful artists cannot or will not spare the time to teach the young. Mayank, who has so far not allowed anyone else to dabble on his canvasses, may be the next big thing in Gond art but if he does not teach younger artists, he will cripple the art form.

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The social conventions among Gond artists have larger implications. Until recently, they shared everything they knew — brushstrokes, homes, learning to deal with cities, government institutions and galleries. It is a generosity Jangarh Shyam put into place. In a hive of bees, what one bee knows the whole hive knows. However, like the rest of India, Gond artists too are increasingly subject to the competitive demands of modern living. It is a juggernaut one cannot deplore or quarrel with, only watch. It might well improve the work of individual artists but whether the form will stay robust without the communal backbone is questionable.

Press Mayank again on what is difficult about being him, being a young Adivasi in a Bhopal house with purple walls, with an eye on Paris. When he is not thinking about art, kinship is what is on his mind. “What I sit and think about is how we should be dealing with people. How can I speak with sweetness, deal correctly with my family, my elders, my people? Things are changing but I want to know how to behave. This is what I think about.” Mayank’s future and whether he will have to ‘do ethnicity’ depends on how we value contemporary Gond art.

Jangarh Kalam is important beyond the pleasure afforded by its piquancy.

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